Civil rights

Deep residential segregation underlies every major social inequity we have in New York City. The de Blasio administration promises a new era of activism and community participation, but will the energy generated ultimately reduce or perpetuate segregation? A great deal hinges on the nature of the community organizing that is encouraged.

Deep residential segregation underlies every major social inequity we have in New York City. The de Blasio administration promises a new era of activism and community participation, but will the energy generated ultimately reduce or perpetuate segregation? A great deal hinges on the nature of the community organizing that is encouraged.

In the Barack Obama and Bill Clinton version of the Democratic Party, the goal is to have “conversations about race.” Or, at least, these two presidents have wanted to have intermittent conversations to the extent convenient. Once upon a time, those in favor of civil rights (as Obama and Clinton surely are) were more direct: they demanded action, not talk.

Documents sought would allow public to know whether and how the Police Department has changed the way it handles applications for permits needed to hold political demonstrations, but NYPD has kept the records hidden for almost 11 months. A clear violation of the Freedom of Information Law.

The New York Times just documented the continuing existence of an intense level of racial segregation in schools in New York City. But scant attention was paid to the still-entrenched pattern of housing segregation that afflicts New York and many other metropolitan areas, a pattern that is a critical driver of segregation in schools.

As the Supreme Court looks ready to restrict or eliminate race-based affirmative action in its 2012-13 session, supporters of such preferences have a tool not yet deployed: race-based affirmative action as a means to compensate for the disproportionately negative impact of current-day "legacy admissions" policies on minority applicants.